Puberty's changes start when the brain triggers the production of sex hormones. Although physical changes follow a predictable pattern, every child develops at their own pace. Puberty usually begins for girls before boys. For most girls, puberty begins around age 11. For boys, puberty starts from 10 to 14. The average age is 12.
Not everybody chooses to have feminizing surgery. These surgeries can be expensive, carry risks and complications, and involve follow-up medical care and procedures. Certain surgeries change fertility and sexual sensations. They also may change how you feel about your body.
Follow your health care team's directions on preparing for your procedures. This may include guidelines on eating and drinking. You may need to make changes in the medicine you take and stop using nicotine, including vaping, smoking and chewing tobacco.
Transgender people may decide to consistently present as male or female in alignment with societal norms. They may also deliberately choose both male and female gender expressions and thus have mixed, gender non-conforming, or genderfluid presentation. Some are more fluid about their gender expression, which they may change from day to day, hour to hour, or setting to setting either because they feel they have to (e.g., an individual chooses not to transition at work) or because they want to.
Because some of the changes from hormone use are permanent, some transgender people stop using hormones once they have achieved specific physical goals. Others stop for health reasons or because they become unable to afford hormones (which may not be covered by health insurance, even for those who have insurance). Others continue lifelong use, which is generally recommended for anyone who no longer generates their own hormones due to a hysterectomy (removal of the ovaries and uterus) or orchiectomy (removal of the testes), or due to age (when hormone levels naturally decline).
Non-transgender people frequently believe there is one "transgender surgery," which involves the genitals. The reality is that there is no "one" surgery and that multiple options or combinations of surgeries can help people change their bodies to be more closely in line with their gender identity. As with hormone use, health care providers operating under standards of care may require their transgender clients to participate in therapy before surgery. In fact, surgeons specializing in gender-related surgeries often require letters from two mental health professionals rather than just one.
Masculinizing hormone therapy is gender-affirming treatment that produces the secondary sex characteristics associated with being designated male at birth (DMAB). This treatment uses testosterone to spur changes in your body that society associates with masculinity, like a deeper voice, more body hair and increased muscle mass.
This therapy allows some gender-nonconforming people who are designated female at birth (DFAB) to feel more comfortable in their bodies. For many transgender men and nonbinary DFAB people, masculinizing hormone therapy changes the way they look and sound to better match their understanding of their gender or gender identity.
DANCING AT LUGHNASA (PG) Director: Pat O Connor. With Meryl Streep. Michael Gambon, Sophie Thompson, Kathy Burke, Catherine McCormack, Brid Brennan, Rhys Ifans. (94 min.) +++ Likable, low-key version of Brian Friels play about five rural Irish sisters and a slightly mad brother who symbolizes the change that overtakes even the simplest of lives. Not surprisingly, Streep makes the strongest impression, wielding an Irish brogue as expressively as the many other accents she's mastered during her versatile career. ++1/2 Poignant, aimless, better on stage. Sex/Nudity/Violence: None. Profanity: 15 mild expressions. Drugs: 8 scenes of cigarette smoking.
Monitor journalism changes lives because we open that too-small box that most people think they live in. We believe news can and should expand a sense of identity and possibility beyond narrow conventional expectations.
Reactions to lesbian and gay picture books range from fatuous public statements made by Australian politicians about school readers featuring a girl with two mums, through to current court cases over the use of the picturebook King and King (de Haan & Nijland 2000) in Boston classrooms (Barrett 2006). In the case of Susanne Bosche's Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin (1983), the book was used in government debate in London to justify the introduction of Section 28, a controversial piece of legislation which forbade the promotion of 'homosexuality as a pretended family relationship'(Local Government Act 1988). On the whole, these reactions have little to do with picture books. Controversies about these texts are really about much bigger social questions, such as childhood 'innocence', constructions of sexuality, paedophilia, conversion and the dissolution of the family. These simmering anxieties erupt into moral panics when the culturally sacred and/or unspeakable categories of childhood and non-normative sexualities come into contact. In this paper I will examine reactions to a range of texts, and track the similarities between the media reaction and the contents of the picturebooks themselves, and the ways that these react to and feed off each other. I will discuss some of the recurring topics of this circular relationship and consider some of the problems caused by circling these topics. For this paper I will define lesbian and gay picturebooks as fiction for children which addresses sexualities other than heterosexuality, primarily picturebooks about children with same sex parents, such as Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin (Bosche 1983). Although 'cultural reception' can be expanded to include a wide range of phenomena, for the purposes of this paper I will be relying mainly on newspaper articles addressing panics over these texts, with some forays into cyberspace and archives of parliamentary debate.
First of all, fully utilizing the political volatility of a post-martial-law Taiwan, feminist gender politics has made great progress in recent years, leading to changes not only in the legal realm but also in gender education. Yet, while gender equality has been made into an important issue to be implemented by the state, a heightened gender consciousness rigidified into an institutionalized gender framework has also spread, splitting open the many otherwise murky areas of daily life into a gender binary, and making it all the more awkward for the differently gendered to manage their already restricted social existence. I think it is high time for us to review these developments and rethink the limitations of "gender politics" as it has been narrowly conceived by increasingly mainstreaming feminists.
If feminist gender politics has helped create a social context more inhospitable to the male-to-female transgendered, feminist gender education has at the same time continued to overlook the gender violence suffered by the transgendered, which happens to be the same gender violence that women have always suffered from. On April 20, 2000, Yong-Chi Yie (葉永誌), one middle school student in Southern Taiwan, was found dead on the floor in the boy's restroom at his school. No explanation was given about the cause of death except that he "probably" fell and hit his head against the ground; fearing scandal, the school had washed the crime scene clean right after finding the boy's body, thus erasing all traces of possible evidence. Later on, it was revealed that the boy had long suffered all kinds of humiliation and taunting at school because of his nonconforming gender expression. Classmates often laughed at his femininity and even forced his pants off to check his gender identity. Right before his death, he had as usual asked the teacher's permission to leave the classroom five minutes early so that he could use the restrooms alone. Sadly, that's the last time he was seen alive. As the Taiwanese public lacked a transgender outlook, news of his death aroused interest only among the gay community, which took it as another example of homophobia against sissy boys. Women's groups, on the other hand, remained quiet about the case; after all, it was a boy, not a girl, who got killed. Biology proved to be more deep-rooted than feminists had claimed.
Similarly, along with increased legitimacy for sexual preference and sexual identities achieved through movement activism, the gay community also became increasingly serious about its gender image. In September 2000, Taipei city government provided funding to host its first Gay Festival at the most pristine movie complex in Taipei City, the Warner Village. The Festival was greatly livened by the presence of drag queens that day, which was obviously quite news-worthy. As media coverage tended to concentrate on the more dramatic and theatrical, the queens got a lot of coverage. Later on, fierce mud-slinging broke out on gay BBSs on the internet where the queens were severely chastised for making gays "look bad" and for dominating media attention. The criticism against drag queens in fact followed upon a previous round of fierce debates over the gender performance of sissy gays (nicknamed "CC gays"). In both cases, as mainstreaming desires of the sexually marginal met with feminist-originated gender politics, an aversion toward transgendered representations seems to be a natural result. 2b1af7f3a8